Chapter 23: The Power of the Chinese Diaspora II

  The independence movement of the Malays after the war was very fierce, but the Chinese were not very enthusiastic, especially those like the majority of the native-born Chinese who had lived here for several generations, had their own houses and properties, and were also accustomed to the way of life here.

  Contact with our hometown in China was cut off again, and we didn't know whether those distant relatives were dead or alive. Anyway, most people hoped to become Malayan.

  At that time, Penang's Chinese community had three main inclinations:

  Wealthy Chinese and overseas leaders hope to immigrate to the UK and become British citizens, but there are very few people who can do so, after all, the requirements on the UK side are very strict.

  Generally, Chinese people hope to stay and become local citizens, especially those born locally, but they also want to maintain a certain degree of special status, or at least the same as during the British colonial era when everyone was a British citizen.

  Of course, there is also a portion of Chinese people, mainly new immigrants, the vast majority of whom arrived in Penang in the 1920s and 1930s, hoping to return to China.

  Unlike Malacca and Singapore, the other two Straits Settlements, Penang has a majority of locally-born Chinese who are second or third generation, some as far back as sixth or seventh generation, mostly from Fujian province.

  At that time, many new immigrants from China arrived in Singapore, Malacca or other places with a higher concentration of Chinese people in Malaysia, such as Kuala Lumpur.

  Most people who come to Penang are those who have relatives or friends here and have a certain foundation.

  At that time, the newspapers published articles every day saying that voting was necessary for Penang's independence, but everyone was not very interested because the country (referring to the British colonial government) would definitely not agree, and besides, Penang was so small, how could it develop after independence.

  Besides, no one is even managing us anymore, China is too far and we need to transfer our assets, we can't go back.

  The UK will eventually leave anyway.

  After all the calculations, it's still better to stay and focus on one's own business, wherever you go is just a living.

  It can be seen that in the Penang Chinese society at that time, the Chinese associations dominated by the local-born Chinese and the upper class of overseas Chinese hoped that Penang would leave the Federation of Malaya, while the vast majority of ordinary people hoped to settle down and become naturalized citizens.

  What is more important is that we should pay attention to the rising communalism among overseas Chinese at this time.

  What is communitarianism? From its original source, this is a political philosophy concept that originated from the ancient Greek philosopher Aristotle, who defined community as a relationship or group formed for the purpose of achieving some common good.

  Generally speaking, communitarians view community as an entity with common values, norms and goals to which individual members subordinate their personal interests.

  In collectivism's view, a collective is not just a group of people but an entity in itself, with each individual being a member of this entity and having a membership status.

  The root of communalism is that every individual must live in a certain community and cannot freely choose the community they are in, or in other words, individuals always live in a certain social, historical, and cultural relationship, and at the same time, the community is also an element that constitutes personal self-identity.

  The values of communitarianism are partly about adjusting individual, self and community relations, but more importantly, establishing the political values and rights of communitarianism.

  David Miller, known for his communitarian views, holds that a community is composed of individuals who share common beliefs. This shared belief is the belief that each person belongs to others in the community and that every community is distinguished from other communities by its members' special beliefs.

  Every member of a community acknowledges allegiance to it and is willing to sacrifice individual goals for the benefit of the whole.

  The highest form of community is the nation or state.

  In Miller's view, community and citizenship are inseparable; he believes that the prerequisite for having a community is that its members regard themselves as active subjects who transform the world according to their own will. Without a common national identity, citizens cannot be brought together, nor is there any reason for these different citizens to play different roles.

  Without citizenship, the nation cannot realize its communal people's positive ideal of determining their own destiny; there will be a danger that it will uncritically examine everything in the traditional form of groups.

  Furthermore, he determined that citizenship as a basic condition of community participation is not only a possessive right but also a belief and being.

  Only citizens who have the qualifications of community members can feel that they play an important role in determining their social future, bear the responsibility of collective decision-making, and devote themselves to common interests as a member of the community.

  Communitarianism advocates for personal involvement in the public life of society, arguing that through active political participation, an individual's rights, such as membership or citizenship, can be fully realized. On the other hand, this can also prevent the emergence of authoritarian regimes.

  In other words, the emergence of communalism is not to overthrow the state's regime, but to maximize the protection of individual rights and democratic politics within a specific ethnic group.

  It can be argued that a nation or state uses citizenship as a tool to adjust communal relations, and if this adjustment carries the will of nationalism, it will inevitably lead to the strengthening of communal boundaries and social separation. This phenomenon is especially likely to occur in multi-ethnic societies formed by immigration.

  Within more than half a century after the founding of Penang in 1786, Chinese people from all over the world, mainly residents of Fujian and Guangdong, lived and struggled together here, forming the Chinese society of Penang.

  In the early days of opening up, Chinese people were not numerous, and they did not form their own groups due to differences in region, dialect, and blood ties. Instead, because of their common cultural background and livelihood needs, they united together.

  In 1800 they jointly established the Guangfu Gong, which was essentially a civil administration institution for Chinese citizens.

  In addition, the Hai Zhi Yu Da Bo Gong Temple established in 1799, the Da Bo Gong Street Fu De Temple in 1810, and the Ri Gu Dong Kai Shan Wang Temple, among others, can all attest to the fact that the divine organizations of the Chinese community in Penang during its early days were actually an important force holding together the Chinese society.

  By the mid-19th century, Chinese society was in turmoil and rural famine forced many Chinese to leave their homes to make a living in Nanyang, while the Straits Settlements, including Penang, were experiencing rapid development, with numerous job opportunities attracting Chinese from all over.

  The cohesion of Penang's Chinese community was instead fragmented by the different speech groups and the rivalries between various clan associations.

  Manifested as a large number of blood-based clan companies, regional guilds that transcend kinship surnames and the emergence of gang forces.

  For example, the five major surname companies that hold a pivotal position in the Fubon Group.

  The five major surnames can consciously adjust contradictions between different clans internally and speak with one voice externally.

  In 19th century Penang, the five major clans of Khoo, Lim, Cheah, Yeoh and Tan formed an agreement to work together to resolve disputes between the clans, seeking harmony and stability in the community.

  The administrative government led by Rizal at that time did not establish a strong political institution, but continued the self-autonomy system adopted by the Portuguese colonizers - the Cabildo.

  The Kabitan system was not only given certain executive, administrative and judicial powers to be exercised on its own people, but also served as a bridge of communication between the government and the residents.

  However, due to the existence of dialects and regional identities among Chinese people, the Chinese also implemented indirect management measures for individual ethnic groups under the Kapitan Cina system.

  This divide-and-conquer policy led to the emergence of Chinese gang forces in society.

  The secret society has a close relationship with the Chinese Kapitan. Since the secret society was indeed tolerated by the authorities at its inception and accepted by the Chinese community in society, they were thus incorporated into the power structure of the Kapitan.

  Kapitan Cina was responsible for maintaining law and order, but under the government's policy of non-interference in Chinese affairs, it relied on the strong arm of private clan associations to extend its control over the community.

  By 1825, there were seven Chinese associations in Penang, increasing to nine by 1829. Four of these were private societies: Gi Hin (also known as Ghee Hin), Hai San, Tien Ti and Toh Peh Kong, while the others were clan associations.

  Before the Penang Riots of 1867, there were several major secret societies: Gi Hing, Ghee Hin, Hai San, Chin Kang, Woh Hoey, Ren He (Kiau Aun), and Hong Pian.

  In addition, there is also the Keng Teck Whay (founded in 1844), whose members are mainly from Fujian and local-born Chinese of Penang.

  The party is actually a double-edged sword for the Chinese community, on the one hand it serves as an umbrella for the Chinese people, on the other hand it divides the Chinese society into competing interest groups.

  For example, the two largest private parties, Ghee Hin and Hai San, clashed three times in 1862, 1873 and 1874 over control of the Larut tin mines in Perak. The rivalry between Ghee Hin and the Toh Alliance (Tua Pek Kong) eventually led to the Penang Riots of 1876, which shocked the British colonial administration.

  The Penang riot fully exposed the nature of secret societies, which is only for gangster self-interest and not for seeking benefits for the overall Chinese community.

  It can be concluded that the Great Riot caused enormous loss of life and property, and pushed the factional politics of the Hainanese community to another peak. It not only widened the gap between the two major dialect groups of Fujian and Guangdong, but also weakened the overall counter-attack force of the Chinese society against the colonial government.

  The 1867 Penang Riots had a profound impact on both the colonial authorities in Penang and the Chinese community.

  Mainly reflected in three aspects:

  Firstly, the British colonial authorities strengthened their rule over Penang, changing from a past policy of indirect rule to one of direct and forceful control.

  Secondly, the private club system that dominated Penang's Chinese community is gradually disappearing.

  Thirdly, the reorganization of various dialect groups in Chinese society laid the foundation for the structure of Chinese society that has been influential to this day.

  After that, the Chinese in Penang strengthened their own sub-ethnic boundaries based on differences in dialect groups, kinship and geographical locations, forming their own social organizations.

  The Penang Chinese community, which was originally a single entity, gradually split into two local factions - the Hokkien and the Cantonese.