Chapter 22: The Power of Chinese Descendants Part One

  In the first half of the 1940s, Japan successively occupied most areas of mainland China and Southeast Asian countries where overseas Chinese were concentrated.

  One notable feature of overseas Chinese nationalism during this period was the combination of nationalism and patriotism.

  Manifested as a comprehensive identification with the ancestral homeland, nation and regime, this is not just the result of external indoctrination. The deeply rooted clan and hometown-based concepts in the hearts of Nanyang Chinese are the foundation for the ignition of their patriotism.

  Especially in the 1920s-1930s, the old generation of immigrants who dominated the Nanyang Chinese community had a flesh-and-blood relationship with their hometown and ancestral country.

  Japan's economic expansion into Nanyang has been constantly eroding the economic network of Chinese in Southeast Asia, and greatly damaging the overall interests of Chinese in Southeast Asia.

  It is not difficult to understand the nationalist sentiment of overseas Chinese on this basis.

  The Chinese in Penang are different from those in other places. Most of them are native-born overseas Chinese, with little connection to China, except perhaps for economic assistance.

  The biggest feature of international and domestic situation in 1948 and 1949 was uncertainty: the Chinese government they loved could no longer be their reliance.

  The British colonial government intended to leave once and for all.

  The exclusivist independent consciousness of the Malays is on the rise.

  Not only that, but the overseas Chinese community suffered a double blow to their property and lives after the war. Under such circumstances, it is natural for them to choose to identify with the country of residence.

  In addition, the secession movement that emerged in Penang in 1948 was related to its unique geographical location, such as being separated from the Malay Peninsula by sea, and ethnic composition.

  As for the participation and promotion of Chinese people, it is more accurate to say that they made a naive choice based on their own survival interests rather than a mature political choice. Moreover, most middle and lower-class Chinese did not actively participate in the separatist movement.

  Because under the law at that time, anyone born in Penang could automatically become a citizen, therefore, the failure of the 1948 secession movement in Penang was inevitable.

  The 1948 Penang secession movement was a phenomenon based on Malay nationalism in the process of nation-building in Malaya, and the underlying reason behind the secession movement was actually the prevalence of communalism rather than a substantive secession movement.

  The communalism of Penang's Chinese has deep historical roots.

  From the initial division of Chinese dialect groups to the integration of Chinese as a whole under colonial government control.

  From Chinese ethnic consciousness to the formation of Chinese nationalism.

  From Chinese nationalism to patriotism: unity and separation.

  Finally returned to the historical practice process of socialism

  It can be proven that in a multi-ethnic society upholding the concept of national or state construction, ethnic minority groups often release local community recognition under nationalist pressure. The purpose is not to subvert the regime of the nation or state, but to maximize the protection of individual rights and the foundation of democratic politics.

  Ethnic or national groups use citizenship as a tool to adjust community relations, and if this adjustment carries the will of narrow nationalism, it will inevitably lead to the strengthening of community boundaries and social separation. This phenomenon is more likely to occur in multi-ethnic societies formed by immigration.

  With the end of the Pacific War, British forces landed in Penang on 3 September 1945 and resumed control over Penang and the rest of Malaya.

  On 10 October, the British Labour government announced that it would introduce the Malayan Union scheme in Malaya and published a White Paper in January 1946.

  The white paper proposed the formation of a new government for Singapore and Malaya, with Singapore becoming an independent Crown Colony in its own right, while Penang, Malacca and the nine Malay states on the Malay Peninsula would be united to form the Federation of Malaya.

  The White Paper proposed that the British colonial government should implement a universal citizenship movement to bring about natural fusion among the various races in Malaya and ultimately develop a democratic nation-state which all races would identify with.

  This white paper was first met with fierce opposition from the Malay community, who feared that it would erode the absolute dominance of the Malays in the new government.

  At that time, the increasingly surging Malay nationalist movement had been widely influenced by the general public under the promotion of a few upper-class nationalists. The Malay masses unanimously supported the rulers of the various states and the leaders of the United Malays National Organisation (UMNO), which was established on March 4, 1946, in launching a boycott movement.

  On the one hand, they opposed British attempts to continue their rule over Malaya through this means. On the other hand, they also protested against non-Malays being easily granted citizenship and sharing political power in the new nation with the Malays.

  In contrast, the Chinese community in Malaya reacted lukewarmly or indifferently to the suggestions in the White Paper.

  The main reason was that at that time the vast majority of Chinese people still adhered to China-oriented nationalism, hoping to be loyal to their ancestral homeland in both emotion and action.

  Furthermore, the inertia of not participating in foreign politics still has a great influence on the general Chinese population, especially in the early post-war period when overseas Chinese communities suffered from double blows of property and psychological trauma, leaving them with lingering fears about political participation.

  From January to June 1946, the Chinese-language newspapers and social leaders in Singapore and Malaya called for the colonial government to implement dual nationality, so as to maintain the special identity of the Chinese. However, they did not pay much attention to the potential impact of the new political system on the Chinese community, nor did they provide guidance on what to do next for the general Chinese population.

  By mid-December 1946, a broad-based united front of left-wing political forces and ethnic representatives was formed in Singapore - the All-Malaya Council of Joint Action. This included the Indian Independence League, the General Labour Union, the Malayan Peoples Anti-Japanese Army Ex-Servicemen Association, as well as youth and women's social organizations, advocating for non-separation from Singapore, equal citizenship rights to all who settled in and swore loyalty to Malaya.

  The British colonial authorities and Malayan nationalists ignored these demands, and on 24 December 1946, they unveiled a new revised plan which would eventually become the blueprint for an independent Malaya - the Federation of Malaya Blueprints.

  The Blue Book basically met the demands of Malay nationalists, namely:

  Recognize the power of Malay Sultans to rule each state and establish a Conference of Rulers.

  Affirming the special privileges of the Malay people in politics and economy.

  The British government sent a senior commissioner to replace the governor-general.

  Non-Malays applying for citizenship have more stringent conditions attached.

  In July 1947, the British government announced that it would implement the Malayan Union scheme, which immediately caused unrest and protests among non-Malays in Malaya, especially the Chinese.

  On October 20, protests reached a climax, with a nationwide general strike taking place.

  This strike drew responses from almost all Chinese and Indian unions as well as other non-Malay unions, the largest strike action in post-war Singapore and Malaya.

  However, this did not stop the progress of the plan.

  On 1 February 1948, the British formally declared the Federation of Malaya Agreement to come into force, replacing the Malayan Union regime, resulting in a violent backlash from non-Malays, but the authorities turned a blind eye.

  On 7 December of the same year, a preparatory committee advocating for Penang's secession from the Malayan Union was formed, led by McEuan and Ponnuraju.

  On 13th, the Organizing Committee mobilized the masses to hold a rally in Penang, and among the 212 representatives elected, 200 voted in favor of Penang's secession from the Federation.

  In a subsequent statement, it was said that Penang must seek all constitutional means to secede from the Malayan Union and maintain its position as a Straits Settlement. This is the best choice for Penang and Province Wellesley.

  The organising committee immediately set up a 15-member committee comprising representatives of all ethnic groups and interest groups except the Malays.

  This move drew strong opposition from the Malay community.

  The DAP chairman, Datuk Wong, delivered a strongly worded speech, saying: "Whether Penang leaves the alliance or not should be decided by the Malays and not non-Malays."

  The committee drafted a motion to secede from the Federation and tabled it for discussion and voting in the Penang State Legislative Assembly. McCallum, representing the pro-secession faction, argued that Penang was different politically and administratively from other states on the Malay Peninsula, and that joining Malaya would result in loss of political, economic and administrative powers.

  Furthermore, the agreement of the Federation of Malaya was not consulted with the people of Penang. Adi, representing UMNO, opposed secession and argued that the formation of the Federation of Malaya was a result of the struggle of the Malay people, and any attempt to separate Penang from the federation would be opposed by all Malays.

  He further believed that Penang could not stand on its own without the Malay Peninsula. The motion was tabled at the Penang State Legislative Council which convened in early 1949.

  The result was that, amidst opposition from the British colonial authorities, the Malayan Union government and other Chinese associations in Malaya, it was defeated by a margin of 15 to 10 votes, ending Penang's attempt to secede from the Malayan Union.

  The reactions of Penang Chinese associations and ordinary Chinese people in the Separation Movement are worth exploring.

  As early as March 14, 1947, the Penang Chinese Constitutional Committee, composed of three major Chinese associations in Penang: Ping Zhang Hui Guan, Chinese Chamber of Commerce and British Chinese Association, etc., submitted to the Governor of the Federation of Malaya and reported to the Minister of Colonial Affairs of the United Kingdom, expressing opinions on the Blue Book of the Federation of Malaya passed on December 24, 1946.

  It is mainly believed that it has obvious bias against the Chinese, such as ignoring the contributions made by the Chinese to the development, construction and anti-Japanese defense of Malaya.

  The stringent civic rights clause would exclude British colonial-born Chinese and other ethnic Chinese from power.

  Requesting the British Colonial Office to set up a Royal Commission to review and investigate relevant clauses of the Federation Agreement.

  At that time, as the main Chinese community organization, Ping On Society stood at the forefront of advocating for separation from the Federation movement.

  On December 1, 1948, the Ping Zhang Hui Guan held a special meeting to discuss the issue of secession. The chairman, Qiu Shan You, said in his speech: "The experience of the past has shown that there are many disadvantages to being part of the Federation. There have been frequent expressions of dissatisfaction among the people, and even the government's administrative actions require consultation with the Federal authorities and their consent before they can be implemented. The powers of the political affairs officer are also restricted, not as convenient as in the past."

  At the same time, other delegates also explained from a historical perspective that Penang and the states of the Federation were vastly different in terms of politics, economy, culture, religion and customs, advocating for strong support for the movement to leave the Federation, with the aim of restoring its original status as a British colony.

  In the separation movement, the performance and mentality of the main Chinese community in Penang is more about safeguarding the political status of British citizens and expatriates than upholding the interests of the broad Chinese population in Penang, reflecting their reactions and demands under the impact of the era's political waves.

  At that time, the mentality and action logic of the Penang overseas Chinese leaders were - some Chinese leaders' determination to participate in the movement was mainly determined by their own political, economic and educational background, and those who played a pioneering role were mostly Straits-born Chinese.

  They, through the power distribution chain of the Penang Chinese social organization, each in the Chinese Chamber of Commerce, the British Chinese Association and other societies, strive to maintain the safeguarding of the free port status and the principle of native citizenship rights of Penang.

  Here, the problem of social stratification among the Chinese in Penang during the separation movement appeared.

  It can be said that in 1948, Penang's Chinese society had already shown obvious signs of division.