Chapter 53: Sato Ryosuke (2)

  The relationship between modern China and Japan can be said to be extremely complex, but overall it has always been in a state of hostility! It can be said that from the Tongzhi Westernization Movement and Japan's Meiji Restoration, both countries regarded each other as potential enemies. The initial military goal of the Japanese Navy was directly aimed at the Beiyang Fleet, and the war during the Guangxu period further defined the relationship between the two countries as enemy states.

  The modern Far East is just this big, and whether it's the market or industrial raw materials, it can't support two civilized countries. As they say, if there's China, there's no Japan; if there's Japan, there's no China. If both want to coexist, that's a joke.

  The Qing court began to reform after the Gengzi year, and although many problems emerged one after another, in any case, China's development over this short decade or so was plain for all to see. The development of its industry and commerce and military was especially making Japan feel increasingly threatened. Although at present China's actual strength is not enough to challenge Japan, the island nation has always had a strong sense of crisis. Therefore, after Japan won the Russo-Japanese War, on the one hand it continued to consolidate its interests in Northeast China, while on the other hand it vigorously supported Sun Wen and his Chinese Revolutionary Party, attempting to cause internal chaos in China, thereby interfering with China's development.

  To be honest, even the Japanese themselves did not expect that the Tongmenghui they had supported with great effort would actually start a Xinhai Revolution. Its original intention was only to create trouble for China and shake the foundation of the Qing government's rule.

  When news of the Wuchang Uprising reached Japan, many Japanese dignitaries laughed out loud in their dreams several times!

  Immediately, Japan moved up and down, sending out a large number of open or secret envoys to contact various forces in China, including high-ranking officials of the Qing court, leaders of the Tongmenghui, and powerful governors. The goal was only one, that is, to let China continue to be chaotic, and best to replay a scene of bandit chaos.

  A secret report from the Army Ministry even pointed out that as long as China is plunged into a state of civil war, the garrison in Guandong Province will have the confidence to thoroughly capture Northeast China in a short period of time, and then threaten Beijing. Even under the pretext of this turmoil, the army has the confidence to take down the entire North China within half a year by dispatching troops directly. Although this secret report deviated from reality and did not mention the intervention of major powers and subsequent political and economic issues, it made one point clear: a chaotic China is most beneficial to Japan.

  Under such a big background, the army led by Yamagata Aritomo and others are ready to go into battle, not only has the Kwantung Army in Manchuria been put on high alert, but also one of the regular divisions at home has completed combat preparations, preparing for possible changes in China and defending Japan's interests in China.

  However, no matter how radical the Army Ministry's proposal was, it was clear to the stable civil bureaucracy that Japan currently did not have sufficient economic and political conditions to engage in a large-scale armed intervention war. Since the Russo-Japanese War, although Japan won the war, it also took on a heavy foreign debt of over 2 billion yen, which exceeded six times Japan's annual tax revenue. Given Japan's current financial situation, it was even difficult to pay the interest on these foreign debts, and the military expenditure naturally plummeted. To maintain fiscal operation, Japan implemented high taxes domestically, causing the people to suffer. This led to political instability. At the same time, after Japan's victory in the Russo-Japanese War, it monopolized the interests of Northeast China, excluding British and American capital, while also making the Far Eastern situation turbulent, which had long been dissatisfying Britain, America, France, and other countries.

  After the Russo-Japanese War and before World War I, Japan appeared to have defeated Russia and become a major power, but in reality, it was the most difficult period for Japan. It can be said that at present, Japan does not have sufficient conditions to wage a large-scale foreign war, whether from an economic or domestic political perspective, or in terms of diplomacy.

  Not only did the Western Garden Temple's public opinion oppose large-scale direct armed intervention in China's civil war, but even the naval faction leaders strongly opposed it. The reason is simple: if a large-scale campaign against China were to be launched in an attempt to thoroughly resolve the Manchurian and Mongolian issues, the army would inevitably have to increase its military expenditure greatly. But since the military expenditure was limited, if the army got more, the navy would naturally get less, which was something that the naval elders could not accept.

  Under such circumstances, Japan's politicians quarreled among themselves for many days before finally coming up with a policy towards the Xinhai Revolution: "When there is an opportunity, we will strive to gradually expand our country's rights and interests, and wait for the most favorable moment to fundamentally resolve the Manchurian issue."

  Based on this guideline, the Japanese government contacted various Chinese forces including the Qing government and revolutionary armies through multiple channels such as the army stationed in China, overseas institutions, and the Black Dragon Society. It provided military aid and economic assistance to both sides so that regardless of which side won, Japan could expand its rights in China. At the same time, it hoped that a prolonged civil war would break out between the two sides, causing actual divisions and further depleting China's strength, making it easier for Japan to completely swallow up China in the future.

  The military department controlled by Yamagata was naturally strongly dissatisfied with this policy, hoping to send troops to occupy Manchuria and Mongolia at once, but it was put on hold due to Saionji's heavy concerns. Regarding this, Yamagata had a lot of complaints, accusing Saionji of adopting a wait-and-see policy, thus missing a rare opportunity, which is truly regrettable for the country.

  In the original historical context of Japan, it supported pro-Japanese factions in China, including Duan Qirui's Anhui clique during the late Northern warlord era, Zhang Zuolin's Fengtian clique, and Sun Yat-sen's Kuomintang during its early period, all of which were products of this policy.

  Fujian is located opposite Taiwan and is the second province to be recovered. Chen Jingyun also led the way in completing the unification of the province and dispatched troops outside the province in a high-profile manner. As a result, the Japanese naturally took notice of Chen Jingyun. After exchanging several telegrams, the Japanese Foreign Ministry ordered the Consul General in Fuzhou to contact Chen Jingyun and investigate his attitude towards the Empire.

  Thus, there was a visit by Japanese Consul in Fuzhou Sato Ryosuke today.

  For these reasons, Chen Jingyun naturally did not know the twists and turns inside, but only knew some superficial things.

  Ryosuke Sato wore the same attire as all diplomats of his time, a black tailcoat, top hat, cane, and black leather shoes, with an eight-shaped mustache.

  As soon as he saw him, Chen Jingyun was somewhat surprised, especially when he heard that he wanted to provide a loan directly, and felt even more surprised.

  After both sides sat down, they didn't immediately bring up the topic of loans, but instead talked about revolutionary undertakings, republics, and diplomatic relations between the two countries, with An Hualin watching from the side growing somewhat impatient.

  After drinking a few sips of tea, Chen Jingyun finally spoke up: "Mr. Sato, you mentioned the loan earlier!"

  Sato Ryosuke also took a sip, and after a moment of savoring the taste, he said: "General, our country is in favor of your country's revolutionary cause, and supports it. At the same time, we have seen that you are working hard to bring republicanism to this ancient land. Our country will advance and retreat together with England, France, Germany, and other countries, maintaining a neutral attitude towards China's current situation, however..."

  Sato Ryosuke paused here and continued: "If the General needs it, our country's bankers are very willing to underwrite the bonds issued by the Fujian Military Government!"

  "Bonds?" Chen Jingyun continued without changing his tone: "How can this be done?"

  Sato Ryosuke said: "As far as I know, the Fujian Military Government is currently issuing recovery bonds to raise military funds. Although we cannot provide loans directly due to diplomatic troubles, I can let bankers in my country buy the bonds you issue!"

  Chen Jingyun said after hearing: "I think that your country's bankers don't have such great courage and audacity!"

  Sato Ryosuke said: "This is natural, the repayment credit of this bond is worrying. So I suggest to the general, can use salt politics as a guarantee for repayment!"

  Taking a detour here, Chen Jingyun finally understood that it was still a loan, but with a different name, replacing the loan with bonds, and still using the salt administration as collateral.

  "In that case, I wonder how many bonds the bankers in your country can buy!" Chen Jingyun felt that this was the core of the problem. If there was little money involved, Chen Jingyun didn't even bother to discuss it; but if there was a lot of money involved, then they had to carefully consider whether the Japanese had other intentions or not.

  Sato Ryosuke said: "If it goes smoothly, 10 million yuan is still possible!"

  Chen Jingyun had already begun to think quickly in his heart, and there was no doubt that the Japanese lending him money was not out of kindness, but for another purpose. However, what did it matter? Chen Jingyun had originally planned to borrow money from Britain, Germany, or even America - borrowing from Japan was no different. The only concern was that the Japanese might not be simply lending money, and might have other intentions. If things went wrong, he could end up being taken advantage of by the Japanese, and if it turned out to be something like the Twenty-Four Articles, it would be even more unbearable.

  "So he sank into thought for a moment before saying: 'You and I are both sensible people, so let's not beat around the bush. Tell me, what is it that you really want?'"

  Satō Ryōsuke listened, but his face was expressionless, and he smiled instead: "General, you're overthinking this. This bond purchase is purely a business consideration, I'm just pulling strings. Besides, I heard that the Fuzhou Military Academy is expanding its scale, and I think their faculty is also insufficient. Coincidentally, I have several retired imperial soldiers who are worried about making a living. If the general can give them a job, it would be even better."

  "Of course, regulation of funds is also necessary."

  Chen Jingyun immediately understood what he wanted, wasn't it just to send military instructors and advisors? It seems that it's still the same old thing, wanting to influence China from the root.

  Chen Jingyun's concerns were actually excessive. According to the Japanese Foreign Ministry's plan, Japan would choose several forces to support in a limited way, both in the south and north, making China form a north-south confrontation the best scenario; if not, then let China fall into a de facto split state, Chen Jingyun was just one of the members of this plan.

  As for the loan, it's just a free gift, and with the salt administration as collateral in hand, even if Chen Jingyun falls, the Japanese will have the confidence to let his successor continue to recognize the loan contract. As for military instructors and advisors, they are just diplomatic habits, China has always had dealings with powerful countries, no matter what contracts, it's common practice for powerful countries to send various advisors.

  If it were just these few requirements, this condition would not be too harsh.

  Chen Jingyun nodded silently for a moment before speaking: "We need military instructors, and I also need several advisors to discuss some economic matters."

  Chen Jingyun said this, already indicating that he basically agreed. However, when Chen Jingyun got to this point, his tone suddenly changed: "Also, I hope you can provide some artillery at a preferential price!"

  Sato Ryosuke still smiled and said: "The artillery problem is not big, I can also lead the line, as for the price, we need to discuss it in detail!"

  Sato Ryosuke and Chen Jingyun are not professional businessmen, strictly speaking they are politicians. Regarding the loan of millions of yuan, they only exchanged a few words, but in reality, many tasks they will not participate in. Although the two people's conversation seems simple now, the actual negotiation has not officially started yet.

  On the same day, Sato Ryosuke returned and immediately reported to Japan, while Chen Jingyun also gathered a group of military government officials to discuss this loan.

  In Japan, a plan to support proxy agents had already been established, and the plan was proceeding smoothly, so it was natural for Sato Ryosuke to conduct actual negotiations. Within the Fujian military government, there were no opposing voices, although some thought that mortgaging the salt administration was not quite proper. However, since this was not a direct loan but rather the issuance of bonds, with the salt administration providing collateral for the bonds, they could still save face in some way.

  Zheng Zu-yin said: "This salt administration concerns the safety of our sovereignty and cannot be taken lightly!"

  But then An Hualin, the number one sycophant in the military government and the only one who followed Chen Jingyun, stood up and said: "This is not a loan, if the provincial finance collapses within two months, I, An Mou, will also have no way to be the Minister of Finance, it's better to resign today!"

  An Hualin's words represented Chen Jingyun's, and such a tough attitude made Zheng Zuying and others, even if they had the heart to oppose, could only sigh in agreement. As for what they thought in their minds, naturally only they themselves knew.

  Under these circumstances, both sides had a high efficiency in handling affairs. The next day, Japan and Fujian began formal secret talks!