Chapter 37: Sino-British Talks

  As China and the UK had already established diplomatic relations, there was no need for either side to contact each other through a third party. On 30 May 1974, British representative Foreign Secretary Alec Douglas-Home and Chinese representative Vice-Premier Deng Xiaoping held their first round of talks in Beijing on Hong Kong's return. The UK's national strength is now much weaker than before, with its international influence gradually declining; in recent years, its diplomatic policy has basically followed the pace of the US. Now that the US is actively courting China to counterbalance Soviet strategic expansion, the British government naturally cannot afford to quarrel with China. Before this, the Wilson Cabinet had already reached a consensus on the Hong Kong issue, trying to extend the return time as much as possible, ideally until 1997.

  Carrington was well aware of the difficulties of this trip, especially when facing China's chief negotiator, Deng Xiaoping. Carrington decided to take the initiative and speak first, stating the British government's position, emphasizing that "the three treaties related to Hong Kong are still valid under international law", can only be revised through consultation, and cannot be unilaterally abolished. He expressed understanding of China's stance on recovering Hong Kong's sovereignty and maintaining its prosperity, but also said that Hong Kong's confidence and prosperity "depend entirely on British control". If significant changes to Hong Kong's sovereignty were implemented or announced now, it would inevitably lead to a loss of confidence among the people of Hong Kong and undermine its prosperity. "If the governments of China and Britain can reach an agreement on the future control of Hong Kong that is satisfactory to the British Parliament and trusted by the people of Hong Kong, the British government will consider the issue of sovereignty."

  Deng Xiaoping then spoke, rejecting Carrington's proposal and declaring that the Chinese government had decided to recover all of Hong Kong in 1976. On the premise of resuming sovereignty, China would adopt a series of special policies, including setting up a Special Administrative Region of Hong Kong, managed by local Chinese people in Hong Kong, with no change to the existing social, economic system and way of life, maintaining stability and prosperity in Hong Kong. He emphasized that national sovereignty was always the first priority compared to economic considerations.

  The first Sino-British talks finally reached a preliminary consensus on the Hong Kong return issue, with Britain agreeing to return Hong Kong but still not giving up its intention to delay until 1997. In June, British Prime Minister Wilson visited China and Premier Zhou Enlai once again expressed the Chinese people's strong determination to recover Hong Kong. However, before Wilson came to China, he had already exchanged views with US President Nixon, whose view was to drag out the negotiations as long as possible and divert China's energy, preventing them from preparing for war against Japan.

  "So, Prime Minister Wilson said cautiously: 'Premier, I understand you, but also hope that you can fully consider our decision. I think it is beneficial for both China and Britain to return Hong Kong in 1997. At the same time, this is conducive to maintaining Hong Kong's prosperity and stability.'"

  Chou En-lai immediately and sternly rejected Wilson's suggestion, saying: "China must take back Hong Kong in 1976. This is not open to discussion. If there should be disturbances in Hong Kong before its return, we will consider taking non-peaceful means to recover it."

  Wilson knew at once that all the previous calculations of Britain had come to nothing, but he still wanted to try his best to persuade the Chinese. He continued: "If your side agrees to our country's plan, we can exchange Hong Kong's special role for it. In the future, all international materials and equipment can be transported from Hong Kong to the mainland, and on this point, the British government can provide assistance."

  If this were the original historical narrative, China could not have agreed to take back Hong Kong in 1997 for long-term benefits. However, with Taiwan's Lin Feng now on the scene, Hong Kong's status is far less important than its original historical significance. Therefore, Zhou Enlai did not even consider Wilson's suggestion and directly rejected it. Ultimately, China and Britain issued a joint statement on June 29: The return of the Hong Kong region (including Hong Kong Island, Kowloon, and the "New Territories", hereinafter referred to as Hong Kong) is the common aspiration of all Chinese people. The Government of the People's Republic of China has decided to resume the exercise of sovereignty over Hong Kong on January 1, 1976.

  The news of Hong Kong's impending return to China sparked a huge reaction among the local population, with many people who were skeptical of the mainland being nervous and uncertain. However, there were also those who hoped that Hong Kong would be governed by its own people in the future, like Macau, and if the central government could firmly implement this policy, most Hong Kong people would still support reunification. After all, Hong Kong people are still considered second-class citizens in the eyes of the British. Just as everyone was discussing the Sino-British Joint Declaration, a statement from distant Europe shook the world.

  June 26: NATO signed the Atlantic Treaty in Brussels, Belgium, establishing a new and more equal relationship between the United States and Western European countries. It announced strengthening common defense, taking all necessary measures to avoid dangers facing Europe; emphasizing friendship, equality and unity, maintaining close consultation, cooperation and mutual trust.

  Just as the world was in a flurry, it arrived at China's traditional festival - Mid-Autumn Festival. On this day, Lin Feng rushed to Hong Kong to reunite with Zhao Yazhi, and they had decided to hold their wedding on Double Tenth Day this year. In fact, Lin Feng has never interfered with Zhao Yazhi's life. Last year when she participated in the Miss Hong Kong pageant, Lin Feng also clearly expressed his support for her choice.

  Hong Kong, Zhao's old house. Lin Feng had suggested several times to move the Zhao family to a new place, but the two elderly people refused his kindness, saying they were already used to this place. Lin Feng sat on the sofa drinking fragrant tea, eyes closed in thought, when the three Zhao sisters returned from shopping outside.

  Little sister Zhao Ya Qian excitedly said: "Brother-in-law, today we bought a lot of things, including the ones you'll use for your wedding!" Lin Feng smiled and looked at Zhao Ya Zhi's happy face, saying: "You must be exhausted, take a rest first, mom is cooking dinner."

  Zhao Yazi smiled shyly and said, "I'm not tired. Recently, my elder sisters have helped me a lot. It's just that my brother has been exhausted lately, busy every day on the South China Sea islands." Now, due to China strengthening its control over the South China Sea islands, since the Xisha naval battle, Southeast Asian countries have temporarily stopped their occupation of the South China Sea islands one after another. However, these countries' ambition for the South China Sea resources has never retreated, they can only temporarily hide their greed in their hearts when facing an increasingly tough China.

  Currently, the private capital of Taiwan and Hong Kong are actively occupying the islands in the South China Sea with Lin Feng's tacit support. This is especially true for the recently recovered Paracel Islands and the still not fully controlled Spratly Islands. The Spratly Islands currently have 29 reefs that China has taken over from South Vietnam, plus the original 9 islands of China, making a total of 38 small islands reclaimed by China. The remaining islands are divided among Malaysia, the Philippines, Indonesia, Brunei and other countries. Lin Feng is now actively preparing for war with Japan and does not have the energy to deal with them yet. He will let these countries build the basic infrastructure on the islands first, so that when China takes them back in the future, it can save a lot of construction costs.

  Zhao Yazi's older brother Zhao Yazhen is in charge of Nanzi Island, which was purchased by Lin Feng. The island is an elongated oval shape with a height of 3.9 meters. It stretches from northeast to southwest for 600 meters and is over 270 meters wide, covering an area of approximately 0.125 square kilometers, making it the sixth largest island in the Nansha Islands. The intertidal zone is 100-300 meters wide, and at low tide, a ring of white coral sand can be seen surrounding the island. The island is covered with shrubs and scattered trees. In the southeast, there are over 10 coconut trees planted by Chinese fishermen that serve as navigation markers. Currently, the island is an important gathering point for Taiwan in the northern part of the Nansha Islands, with a garrison of over 200 people. The facilities on the island are relatively complete, including barracks and fishermen's residences. There are also simple docks, helicopter landing platforms, communication facilities, as well as football fields, vegetable greenhouses, and animal enclosures. This year, Lin Feng sent people to build a lighthouse (38 meters high) on Nanzi Island, and construction is underway for the first and only port in the Nansha area.

  Lin Feng spent the Mid-Autumn Festival at Zhao's house and then discussed his marriage with Zhao Yazhi before hurrying back to Taiwan. Since the Canton Fair, Taiwan's export volume has grown rapidly, and its foreign exchange reserves have increased by more than last year's total in just half a year, in order to make more ordinary people in Taiwan benefit from economic development.

  This year, in the second half of the year, the government plans to invest in building 5,000 affordable housing units, each of which can accommodate 500 ordinary households. These affordable housing units are only available for purchase by low- and middle-income earners in Taiwan, with prices that are only one-tenth of the normal house price. Moreover, due to Lin Feng's efforts to suppress the real estate industry, the housing market in Taiwan has become very sluggish, with prices much lower than those in neighboring Japan and Hong Kong. As a result, wealthy business owners have almost no interest in investing in this sector. In fact, this is also what Lin Feng had hoped for. The government's "affordable housing" plan has caused private real estate businesses in Taiwan to plummet, with many luxury homes and villas being sold at discounted prices. While some individuals may be disappointed, the majority of ordinary people on the island strongly support the government's affordable housing plan, which clearly states that the first batch of affordable housing units can only be purchased by ordinary farmers, urban residents, and workers with their ID cards, and each household can only purchase one unit. Government officials, business owners, and high-income earners are not allowed to purchase these units, and anyone who violates this rule will face severe penalties, including imprisonment or heavy fines.

  Now, five years after Lin Feng's arrival in Taiwan, the first Five-Year Economic Plan has been completed half a year ahead of schedule. Taiwan has established a complete industrial system and is even at the forefront of the world in some high-tech fields. Next, Taiwan will focus on developing its aviation industry, striving to enter the interstellar era as soon as possible. By the 1980s, Taiwan should become one of the most developed and advanced regions in the world.

  This year, the Taiwanese Navy will initially have the strength to defeat the Japanese Navy. In the second half of the year, the second "Yue" class missile cruiser will be delivered to the Navy for use, and two "City" class destroyers will also be put into service. Together with the two "Emperor" class attack nuclear submarines, the Taiwanese Navy will have two cruisers, four destroyers, two nuclear submarines, five landing ships, ten transport ships, and various small vessels, with a total tonnage of around 300,000 tons. Although this is still less than half of the Japanese Self-Defense Forces, the overall strength and combat effectiveness will far surpass that of Japan.

  The air force has only one fighter squadron with combat effectiveness due to pilot training issues, and based on this estimate, at the start of the Sino-Japanese War, there will be at most around 200 aircraft that can participate in combat.

  The Second Group Army of the PLA has completed its transformation and is distinct from the First Group Army. It will be a digitalized light force specializing in mountain, desert, jungle and other special regional warfare. The Second Group Army has one mountain division and two light mechanized infantry divisions under its command, as well as directly affiliated units. The mountain division includes an armored brigade and an aviation brigade; the light infantry division includes an aviation brigade and a mechanized infantry brigade. This group army is equipped with a large number of helicopters, light tanks, wheeled armored vehicles, tracked armored vehicles, and armored transport vehicles, in addition to its directly affiliated units, which already have a total strength of over 30,000 personnel. Although the Second Group Army is inferior to the First Group Army in terms of firepower attack and strategic strike, due to its lack of heavy firepower equipment, it has instead utilized its own aviation advantages to greatly enhance its mobility, which is an advantage that no heavy group army can match.