Chapter Thirty: United Front
Chen Haisong left the Security Section and came to the Propaganda Section of the Political Department, looking for Director Zhang Fasen, Deputy Director Hu Yongning, and Section Chief **.
He instructed the Political Department to quickly investigate well-known figures in Zhangye City and surrounding areas, including enlightened gentry, retired officials, famous educators, renowned doctors, religious figures, and businesspeople. They were to compile a list of names, verify their places of origin, resumes, and social connections, and gradually establish contact with them.
Pay special attention to those from Shanxi, Suiyuan, Hebei, Chahar and Northeast China, and record their social connections as well.
He said to the three puzzled men: "Our identities will be exposed sooner or later. Now we must start preparing."
In accordance with the tradition of our Red Army, wherever we go, we should propagate the program and policies of our Party to that place, become a sowing machine, become a spark, let the local people understand, get close to, and be willing to provide support for our Party.
Many of the people mentioned earlier were our past struggle objects, but they also have great prestige and influence locally. We need to make them understand the current international and domestic situation, understand Japan's militaristic ambition to invade China, plunder China's resources, enslave the Chinese people, understand our anti-Japanese proposition and national united front policy.
Let them know that our Red Army is a righteous army that protects the people, a just army that upholds national interests, and a powerful army that dares to stand on the front line of national war.
"Motivate them to accept our proposal and encourage others to help us actively."
Zhang Fasen was formerly the section chief of the Mass Work Department of the Political Department at Headquarters, and base construction was his strong point.
It is said that the identity should be made public, so a red regime must be established. He said with excitement: "Comrade, although Zhangye has fewer people, there are many private industries and commerce in the city, fertile land in rural areas, high grain yield, and the common people suffer from exploitation by landlords and warlords, living a very difficult life.
"If we mobilize the masses, overthrow the local tyrants and distribute land, we will certainly be able to arouse the revolutionary enthusiasm of the masses, soon we will be able to launch a land revolution, establish Soviet power, set up guerrilla detachments, women's detachments and children's teams. We can take root here and build a solid Red base in northern Gansu."
Chen Haisong was so frustrated that he couldn't help but cry and laugh at the same time. He thought to himself that many of our cadres have not yet adapted to the development and changes in domestic and international situations, still accustomed to the methods used during the Land Revolution period, and have not yet fully grasped the Party's policy on the Anti-Japanese United Front. It is essential to unify thoughts as soon as possible and establish an effective management system for the Zhangye region.
"He said: 'Comrades, after the Xi'an Incident, the national revolution has entered a new stage of cooperation and united resistance against Japan. The main contradiction has shifted to the ethnic contradiction between China and Japan, while class contradictions have become secondary.'"
Our party's development strategy is to unite the progressive forces of all classes, groups and ethnicities under the anti-Japanese banner, form a broader united front, jointly resist the invasion of Japanese imperialism, and strive for the final victory of the national liberation cause.
We must transform our strategy of struggle, from class struggle to cooperation against Japan, from dividing land and fields to reducing rent and interest, from suppressing private enterprises to supporting the development of industry and commerce.
Those people I mentioned earlier are the enemies and main social forces between us, they are the objects of our unity and struggle. As long as they do not openly oppose my party's policies, openly betray and rebel against the country, we cannot openly oppose, deprive and suppress them like in the Soviet area.
"Then aren't we...? This goes against Marxist class struggle theory." Hu Yongning asked tensely.
"Chinese society has its own unique class composition, which is very different from that of Europe and the Soviet Union."
Apart from the impoverished peasants and workers, and the big landlords and capitalists who rely on imperialism, there are also large numbers of self-cultivating farmers, small business owners, professional technical personnel, enlightened gentry, and national bourgeoisie.
They also suffered to some extent from the exploitation and oppression of imperialism and reactionary warlords, and had revolutionary aspirations with different motivations. In many ways, they were understanding, sympathetic and supportive of us, and were our allies in revolution.
We can win their support by a policy of unity and struggle, thus strengthening our own forces, weakening the reactionary clique of Chiang Kai-shek and dealing a heavy blow to Japanese imperialism.
We are not giving up class struggle, but relying on the working and peasant classes, winning over the middle classes, opposing the exploiting classes, under the powerful leadership of our Party, and under the banner of resisting Japan and saving the nation, organizing more people to participate in the great cause of national liberation.
Chen Haisong looked at several old revolutionaries who were stunned, and he didn't feel good about it either. But he continued to say: "This time we occupied the Zhangye area, we don't need to establish a regime here, nor do we need to develop a base."
Due to the tense situation in North China, our army will soon be reorganized into the National Revolutionary Army and leave here to fight against Japan.
The Hexi Corridor has a prominent strategic position, and Chiang Kai-shek will not allow us to stay for long. He would rather have the two divisions' numbers than let us establish an international passage connecting Xinjiang.
Chiang Kai-shek will definitely send the Central Army to take over, and without the support of the Red Army, no matter how many regimes are established, they will be dissolved, and the remaining revolutionaries will be persecuted. We cannot let the tragedy of Yongchang, Shandan, and Linze's red regime being quickly suppressed, and a large number of local masses being brutally killed happen again.
During our stay in Zhangye, we only need to use forms such as propaganda speeches, posting slogans, distributing leaflets, and cultural performances to imprint the Party's anti-Japanese stance and policies of rent and interest reduction, as well as the image of serving the people, on the minds of the masses, and sow the seeds of revolution.
Send a working team to the Zhangye area to promote anti-Japanese propaganda in rural areas. Of course, progressive young people who are willing to join the revolutionary army and participate in the national liberation war can be recruited and taken away later.
"What if there's an underground organization that finds us and asks for help?"
Chen Haisong said: "Once in contact with the underground party, secretly help them develop their organization, expand their forces, provide weapons and equipment, train military personnel, and even leave some wounded soldiers to settle locally without exposing their identities."
But they must be warned not to launch a land revolution and it is not suitable to unfold armed struggle in the Kuomintang area.
As far as possible, use legal channels such as entering the rural government and even the county government to unite and protect the poor people through legal means such as petitioning and complaining, and expand the party's influence in the countryside.
"Comrades, the development and changes in the situation require us to understand and recognize them, and adapt our strategy to the development of the situation. This is what the Party's cause needs, and even more so, it is the realistic need for national salvation."
To unite with our former enemies and accept the leadership of the reactionary Kuomintang government is something which makes me, like you, feel very uncomfortable.
But the brutal Japanese army has reached our doorstep, countless ordinary people are about to be separated from their wives and children, their homes destroyed and their families ruined. As a Chinese person, as a Chinese soldier, what reason do we have to dwell on the past?
I hope you will soon draft and implement the opinions and specific plans for the development of the independent regiment in the Zhangye area, and submit them to the party committee for study and discussion.
In the cafeteria, Chen Haisong held a bowl of millet porridge and carried a large pot lid to sit down at the logistics department table with Zhu Liangcheng, Li Kangqiang and others, eating and chatting together.
Jokingly, they said that their logistics department is now the most comfortable department in the entire independent division. They have money when they need it, food when they need it, and ammunition when they need it - a true rich master.
Zhu Liangcheng couldn't hide the pride in his heart, and said straightforwardly that it was a good command from the political commissar, otherwise these people would have been taken to Xining to be punished.
Chen Haisong asked about the Xilu Military Factory in Linze, and Zhang Qiang, the director of the adjacent military factory, said with difficulty: "On the 20th, the bandits from Majia surrounded Linze County from all sides. The combat troops stationed in the villages outside the city were also surrounded."
The city is the headquarters of the logistics department, the second battalion of the Women's Independent Regiment, and the Arsenal Hospital. The combat troops only have a guard company. Comrade Zheng Yizhai ordered Qin Jiwei, the head of the Fourth Bureau of the General Headquarters, to take charge of the defense of the city.
Comrade Qin Jiwei required all personnel to participate in the battle, and the wounded women transported bricks, tiles, and wooden sticks to the city wall, repelling the bandit army's multiple attacks.
The next day, the enemy strengthened its attack, and there were several hand-to-hand combats on the city wall. We were short of ammunition and bricks, and at a critical moment, Commissar Huang Chaoping of the 5th Army led the remaining troops of the 13th Division to break through the enemy's encirclement and join us.
Huang Zhengwei and Minister Zheng deliberated and, considering their troops were outnumbered and out of ammunition with reinforcements yet to arrive, decided to take advantage of the enemy's lax defense and launch a nighttime breakout. Before breaking out, apart from bringing along the military expenses from the Logistics Department, all other items were destroyed to prevent them from falling into enemy hands.
We took advantage of the snowy weather to leave Linze, but were discovered by the enemy halfway through our journey. The cavalry charged from all sides, and our formation was scattered. The troops protecting Huang Zhengwei and Zheng Zongbu took the funds and headed southwest, while we were chased down, wounded, and captured by the cavalry.
That night, after being rescued by you and entering Zhangye, I also searched for those machines among the enemy's spoils of war, but didn't find them. I estimate they're still in Linze. Hopefully the enemy hasn't further damaged them; if we bring them back and repair them, they should still be usable."
Chen Haisong also felt sorry and said to Zhang Qiang, "Don't be sad, in the future we will build an even bigger arsenal, not only can repair guns, make bombs, but also make guns, cannons and bullets."
Linze temporarily cannot return, you can investigate Zhangye's existing industries, small workshops, and there are many iron shops and firecracker factories in Zhangye and Minle areas. Maybe we can use them to manufacture hand grenades, bombs, landmines and other auxiliary weapons.
At the same time, it can also cultivate a group of military industrial workers and may even invent several new types of weapons.
Liu Ziguang slapped the table excitedly, "How could I have forgotten?!" The bowls and plates on the table jumped up in shock.
Thank you for your attention, dear book friends. These few chapters involve a transformation of ideas and have more theoretical descriptions. I think it's a necessary part of the story, so please understand.

