Chapter 13: Indra's Thunder (2)

  2.

  In such a great era, it was unexpected for Hu Weifeng to meet a rival like Ren Lianyu. In the following years, when Hu Weifeng was alone, he would often wonder what kind of person Ren Lianyu was and what he was thinking about.

  But at this moment, walking on the path to Villa No. 7 in Xishan, Hu Weifeng was somewhat pleased with Ren Lingyu's departure. The development of many situations in the Indian Ocean was completely within his calculations, and the Central Military Commission's reliance on him might be elevated to a new height tonight. As a Chinese soldier in a new era, Hu Weifeng and Ren Lingyu were equally successful.

  Although he had never stood under the spotlight like Ren Jianxin, commanding thousands of troops to crush the enemy of the Republic, it cannot be denied that in the process of professionalization of the Chinese army, he and Hu Weifeng played an irreplaceable role. From a small division-level cadre in the Jinan Military Region, Hu Weifeng rose to prominence and entered the central leadership's line of sight, and Hu Weifeng indeed had his own strengths.

  But in his military career, a mysterious expectation has been constantly driving him into a role that he himself did not want to become. If war is the continuation of politics, then soldiers are bound to have a considerable amount of politician's ingredients on their bodies. Hu Weifeng likes politics, which is the biggest difference between him and Ren Lingyu, and it also determines that the two people will take two different paths.

  In many later works, China's slow response to the war was attributed to the Chinese government being completely unaware of India's military buildup in Malacca or underestimating India's determination for war, but in reality this is far from the truth.

  The Chinese government was aware of India's claims to the Malacca region even before the end of hostilities in Indonesia, and this was through regular but secret diplomatic channels with the Indian government. In international politics, many issues are not as clear-cut as ordinary people imagine.

  India has even gone to the extent of displaying its military might in full view of the Chinese government, be it in the Andaman and Nicobar Islands or in Bangladesh. India is seeking a possible division of Southeast Asia with China, and all this is undoubtedly based on strong power. War or compromise, this is an unavoidable problem for the Chinese government.

  Xishan No. 7 Villa is far more ordinary and simple compared to what most people imagine as the center of power. Its history has even surpassed Hu Weifeng's age, perhaps accumulating many wonderful moments in the history of the Republic, but outsiders are not allowed to know except for the witnesses at that time. Today, the wheel of East Asian history will turn again here.

  The guard standing at the door did not recognize Hu Weifeng, who was late, but a professional intuition made him give a smile that was just right for this unfamiliar superior. Usually, Hu Weifeng didn't mind this sudden enthusiasm, but today it was undoubtedly a good omen. Hu Weifeng politely nodded to him and confidently walked into the gate of Villa No. 7.

  Most members of China's Central Military Commission are no strangers to Hu Weifeng. Among the members of China's Central Military Commission, Chairman Hu Jintao is not a professional military man, mainly responsible for the development strategy and important personnel appointments of the army. The real power holders in the commission are the three deputy chairmen who are professional military men:

  Minister of National Defense Wei-Hsiung Ku, Chief of the General Staff Yang Cao and Director-General of the Political Warfare Bureau Tsai-Te Hsü. Following them are members of the National Military Council: Deputy Minister of National Defense Wu Hui, Deputy Chief of the General Staff Lieh Liang, Chief of the General Logistics Hou-Ti Liao and Chief of the General Armaments Chi-Kuang Lee.

  It should be said that this is a relatively balanced team. The main division of labor for the Military Commission is:

  General Wei Guo and General Wu Hui are in charge of the daily work of the Military Commission, including important military exercises and formulating combat plans.

  General Cao Yang and General Liang Lie are mainly responsible for important military exercises and formulating combat plans.

  Liao Xinzhen and Li Jiguang are in charge of military equipment and scientific research, including the import and export of weapons.

  Xu Caihou was in charge of personnel assessment and military publicity work.

  However, Hu Weifeng understood that this stable situation could not last for long. The contradictions between the Ministry of National Defense and the General Staff Headquarters were becoming increasingly apparent. According to the Constitution of the People's Republic of China, the State Council is in charge of leading and managing national defense construction affairs.

  The State Council establishes the Ministry of National Defense, and all military work that needs to be undertaken by the government is decided by the State Council and implemented through the Ministry of National Defense or in its name.

  But since the Prussian army set up its general staff in 1785, this organization has become increasingly the soul of the army: to carry out the orders and instructions of the supreme commander and the Minister of Defense, to collect and provide intelligence, to draft and organize the implementation of strategic campaign plans and mobilization plans, and to command and coordinate the combat actions of various military services, war zones and armed organizations.

  Some General Staff Departments are also responsible for formulating and organizing the implementation of armed forces construction plans, managing military organizational construction, equipment planning, military training, administrative management and other matters. This has formed an irreconcilable dispute over the division of power between the Ministry of National Defense and the General Staff in China, a problem that can be traced back to the conflict between Marshal Peng Dehuai and General Su Yu at the beginning of the founding of the country.

  And in this Central Military Commission, due to the differences in the future path of building the Chinese army, this conflict is even more pronounced. At this moment, Hu Weifeng understood the significance of attending this military commission meeting as the deputy commander of the Jinan Military Region.

  "...In this military operation where the National Defense Army assisted the Indonesian government of Lin Guangzhao in quelling domestic rebellion, our army fully demonstrated its glorious tradition of overcoming all difficulties and achieving victory. We smoothly completed the mission entrusted by the Party and the state, proving our army's ability to project long-range combat power and conduct field fortification warfare, successfully thwarting Japan's right-wing forces' ambition for overseas expansion."

  As Hu Weifeng walked into the conference room, General Guo Weixiong, who was summarizing the campaign, merely nodded his head slightly and continued his speech: "However, the campaign also exposed many problems in our military's frontline bases and logistical support. Without properly summing up and solving these existing problems, blindly engaging in a full-scale military confrontation with regional military powers, or even launching a new offensive, I personally believe is not prudent, and the consequences may be disastrous. The Ministry of National Defense believes that in the first half of 2008, our military's main task should be to practically carry out military assistance and post-war reconstruction for the Indonesian government, and only after substantially improving the ability of frontline military presence in new environments can we respond positively to provocations from regional military powers attempting to meddle in Southeast Asia."

  General Guo Weixiong slowly closed his speech and handed over the speaking right to Hu Jianhua, Chairman of the National Military Commission, who was presiding over the meeting.

  "General Guo's opinion is undoubtedly constructive for the development of our military at this stage. However, judging from the current international situation, in fact, there is no time for us to adjust and deploy our forces: The Indian government has assembled a strong military force in the Andaman region, with its wolfish ambitions clearly revealed. Once we make concessions, it will use all its might to suppress the ASEAN countries, essentially dismantling the regional security mechanism established by our military through the Indonesian war. Therefore, I personally believe that at this time, we should concentrate our forces and respond strongly to the Indian government."

  Chairman Hu Jianhua did not speak but instead signaled Chief of General Staff Cao Yang to express his own views.

  "India is a regional military power with nuclear weapons, and its war potential in the region cannot be compared to that of resource-poor countries like Japan. At present, our army does not have the strength to gain absolute advantage in a short period of time. I personally support Minister Guo's opinion. A long-term confrontation would undoubtedly not be in line with the country's current interests."

  Vice Minister of National Defense Wu Hui immediately said, General Wu is a person with extremely high seniority and prestige in the Chinese military, his words are undoubtedly carrying considerable weight.

  "Let's put it this way! The Central Military Commission will reserve different views on this issue internally, let's listen to the opinions of comrades from below."

  Under the tacit consent of Chairman Hu Jianhua, General Xu Cai De, Director of Political Affairs, handed over the right to speak to Hu Weifeng, who had just entered the meeting room, as a mediator...